A Ceasefire in Gaza but Regional Challenges Remain

The Hamas-Israel ceasefire and hostage-prisoner exchange agreement went into effect yesterday with the release of three Israeli woman hostages and ninety Palestinian prisoners, mostly women.

During the past fifteen months, nearly 47,000 Gazans were killed and more than 110,000 injured. The jubilations in the Strip show how desperate the Gazans are for an end to the war but this may not last as they return to their devastated homes.

The Israeli government estimates that about 1,200 people were killed in Hamas’s October 2023 attack, including more than 300 soldiers. It says 405 soldiers have been killed during its military operation in Gaza.

Following the Israeli government’s approval of the ceasefire, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made a statement.[i] He said that the agreement is also the result of cooperation between President Biden’s outgoing administration and President Trump’s incoming administration. He notably declared that Israel retains the right to return to the war, if necessary, with the backing of the US. And in a broad assessment of the war against Hamas and Iran’s Axis of Resistance, he said:

“We eliminated Sinwar, Deif and Haniye. We eliminated Nasrallah and the entire Hezbollah leadership. We destroyed most of the weaponry of the Syrian military. We struck the Houthis in Yemen. We acted against Iran. Indeed, we struck all of these very hard, that is to say that we struck the entire Iranian axis very hard – and we are still active.

“Just as I promised you, we have changed the face of the Middle East.”

As Le Monde put it, the Gaza ceasefire agreement is a complex piece of machinery.  It is likely to witness conflicting interpretations and violations by the parties and a permanent ceasefire will prove an extremely challenging objective.  

Mr. Netanyahu has said all along that eliminating Hamas’s military and governing capabilities and ensuring that Gaza never again constitutes a threat to Israel is his principal task. Some suggest that this can be achieved by replacing it with the Palestinian Authority (PA). However, they also concede that this will take a major effort for the PA’s transformation given the broad lack of confidence in its leadership. Mr. Netanyahu’s reference to a significant increase in Israeli forces in the West Bank where settler violence has dramatically escalated over the past year would not enhance the Authority’s standing among the Palestinians. None of this would facilitate the “elimination of Hamas”. And Mr. Netanyahu’s perception of the endgame may go far beyond what is foreseen in the ceasefire agreement. For him, a return to the status quo ante bellum even without Hamas would be out of the question.

There is no question that after fifteen months of war in Gaza and Lebanon, Tehran’s regional outreach is dramatically restricted. Many Iranians could now be asking themselves why their leadership overplayed its hand against Israel rather than focusing on measures to improve the country’s global standing, expand its partnerships, make the maximum of its oil wealth, and offer Iranians higher living standards.

Unfortunately, the Middle East has lacked leadership for decades. Until recently, Atatürk’s reforms, secularism, enlightened education, modernity, his motto “peace at home, peace in the world”, and despite its roller-coaster pattern, Turkish democracy set an example to follow. In earlier decades it inspired Arab independence movements and secularism in Arab countries that ended dynastic rule. However, Iran since the revolution has been exactly the opposite. It failed to win favor with the global community because of its authoritarian Islamist nature, a very troubling beginning, and involvement in proxy wars. And, unfortunately, sectarianism still divides the Middle East  and its peoples.

Last week the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran Masoud Pezeshkian paid a state visit to Moscow. Russia and Iran signed the “Treaty on the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership”.[ii] This was a critical visit coming after the US Defense Department’s confirmation last September that Iran provided Russia with Fath 360 close-range ballistic missiles and continuing speculation that at some stage Israel, with US support, may hit Iran’s nuclear facilities.

During the press conference following the talks, President Putin said that the ties between the two countries are extensive and mutually beneficial, and they are committed to “elevating the relationship to a qualitatively new level”.

He also mentioned energy as a crucial area of Russian-Iranian cooperation saying that the flagship joint project for the construction of two new units of the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant by Rosatom is making strides. “Once implemented”, he added, “this project will undoubtedly make a weighty contribution to enhancing Iran’s energy security, spur national economic growth, and provide affordable and environmentally friendly electricity for Iranian households and industrial enterprises.”

Briefly referring to the Hamas-Israel ceasefire agreement, he voiced support for the two-state solution.

Paragraph 3, of Article 3 of the Treaty says that if “either Contracting Party is subject to aggression, the other Contracting Party shall not provide any military or other assistance to the aggressor which would contribute to the continued aggression, and shall help to ensure that the differences that have arisen are settled on the basis of the United Nations Charter and other applicable rules of international law.” In other words, it makes it clear that the “strategic partnership” is not a military alliance.

For Tehran, Mr. Pezeshkian’s visit to Moscow was a signal that Iran is not completely isolated. For Moscow, it underlined Russia’s opposition to another war in its immediate periphery on top of the war in Ukraine. Nonetheless, the worrying possibility that Israel may at some stage hit Iranian nuclear sites with American support is not off the table.

Russia’s sentencing of three lawyers who had defended Alexei Navalny to several years in prison is another sad example of the politicization of the judiciary as we know well in Türkiye. Such moves, run counter to the long-term interests of Russia.

As for Syria, the post-Assad authorities and the Syrian people face huge challenges ranging from achieving international recognition and legitimacy, ensuring domestic unity,  achieving territorial integrity, forming an inclusive government, dealing with sanctions, finding the financial resources for reconstruction to managing the current and the likely interventions of external powers.

Washington and its leading European partners are now putting the emphasis, more than before,  on the need to combat ISIS and cooperation between Damascus and the Syrian Democratic Forces. Yet the current leadership in Syria, welcomed by the US and its allies, is affiliated with al-Qaeda and, before that, with ISIS. Do allegiances change so fast and so fundamentally? No, but this provides an excuse for maintaining a US military presence in Syria.

As for Türkiye, we remain confused about the indirect exchanges between the government and Abdullah Öcalan to secure PKK’s farewell to arms. We do not see where we are exactly heading in Syria.  A second prominent mayor of an İstanbul county is in jail. Many Turks suffering from galloping inflation are advised to be “patient”. Our economic downturn is distracting us from regional security issues. Political polarization is at extremes. Thirty-eight people lost their lives counterfeit alcoholic products. Thus, one is tempted to ask, “Are we governed?”

On top of all the global and regional challenges, today starts the second reign of President Trump. He might be a dealmaker but he is short of patience and unpredictable. His bag could be full of surprises.

[i] https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/benjaminnetanyahuisrael-hamasceasefirehostagedeal.htm

[ii] https://irangov.ir/detail/456479