Some more thoughts on opposition structure

It’s the first day of Ramazan Bayramı (a.k.a. Eid al-Fitr) and I woke up extra early to get this newsletter to you! 

Fun fact: in Kayseri, on the first day of bayram, the whole family will get together in the morning and eat yahni, which in this case is a chickpea-based dish. It’s not really breakfast food, so it’s weird to have it in the morning, and I think that’s what makes it special.Yes, that’s breakfast today.

We’re from Kayseri by way of Izmir. One of my maternal great-grandfathers moved here in the late 1920s. When asked where they’re from, people from Kayseri like to respond by saying “not to brag, but I’m from Kayseri.” My grandfather loved that one. He passed away recently at the age of 97. This is going to be our first chickpea non-breakfast without him. 

But without further ado, on to the politics!

The election was a big political earthquake, and the presidential palace has withdrawn to its inner sanctums, trying to decide what it means and how they’re going to respond.

It’s a tense time. 

This happened after the June 7, elections in 2015, when the AK Party lost its parliamentary majority. It was dead quiet for a while, with lots of back-channel traffic. Then Erdoğan made up his mind and everything happened at once.

The impending operations against the PKK and the CHP’s possible dilemma

It was clear well before the election that Turkey was preparing for a big military operation against the PKK in Northern Iraq and possibly northern Syria. Erdoğan always says that they have/are/will be dealing a death blow to the group, but it’s usually just talk. They bomb the mountains a few times and that’s it. 

This time they say they’ll take and hold territory, so it’ll be ground forces pushing into the Qandil mountains, presumably fighting PKK forces on their own territory. It’s been reported that that’s why top Turkish officials are in Washington. They want to prepare the diplomatic foundation for the operation.

Our good friend Rasim Ozan Kütahyalı (a.k.a. ROK) has suggested that this is when Ankara will strip DEM layors of their positions and appoint trustees in their place. It would make sense. The operations would be a time when nationalistic fervor would be high. The public would be getting reports of soldiers dying in the Qandil mountains fighting the PKK, perhaps on a daily basis. If official state bodies claim that the DEM mayors are working with the PKK, and that as a consequence, they need be swept up and replaced with “trustees,” it’ll be very difficult to oppose them politically. 


What’s next for İYİ?

Meral Akşener, the leader of the right-opposition İYİ party has said that she won’t stand in the extraordinary party congress set for April 27. 

I think Akşener has considerable political virtues. She could be charismatic, was good at reading people, had fair timing, and above all, had a willingness to go against the grain. Her chief failing was that she wasn’t able to run a large organization, which over time threw off her balance. I think her political life is over now.

So what’s likely to happen to the party? The first thing to know is that the party has a sizable parliamentary group, which guarantees it some 722 million TRY ($22.4 million as of today) coming its way in 2024 alone, in its share of treasury payments. That means that no matter how miserable its existence, the party isn’t likely to crumble and scatter into the wind. 

There’ll be a leadership race, and one of the Ülkücü (Turkist nationalists) is probably going to be its chairman. This will be a bit of a regression. The goal of the İYİ party was to pull an AK Party-like coup, in the sense that a far-right movement would be truncating its ideological baggage and moving to the center of politics. Akşener was asking people not to do the wolf sign in public and to assume a more centrist attitude. They’ll probably give up on that policy, and be party of Turkist nationalists again, with all the Ülkücü symbols that entails.

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